高效复习GRE阅读的方法分享
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高效复习GRE阅读的方法分享
1、题型分类
第一：general questions： 主旨题、态度题、结构题、段落大意或作用、续写内容;TS的改写。
注意干扰选项：过于具体和细节化，过于general，超出文章范畴，含有新内容。
态度要一致，从前不从后，末段态度不是主题态度。
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文章题目一定要包含focus。
第二：细节问题，需要定位到原文。干扰选项：原文正确，但不能回答问题。
定位时，看原文完整的句子，最主要目的是找到原句的主语，再排除，答案中没有句子主语的一律排除。
强对比/改进型取非题：题干(infer, imply)问的一方是另一方的取非，问一个东西怎样会更好，即是找这个东西的不好之处。unless句+缺陷;给定行数题答案一定不在本行，要联系上下文。写作用意题：问具体事物(例子、数据、人物等)作用时，先到上文找观点句(前一句或两句话，若无，找段落主题句;仍无，全文主题句)，通常正确答案是将该事物与该观点之间的关系，证明or驳斥。泛指化题：提问方式是according to the passage which is true or not true?在确定某选项是原文改写后，不必再看其它选项。
2、选项特点：先大概纵向看选项，若有共同之处，拿共同元素定位。
正确选项：一定是原文改写，有词性变换、主动/被动变换、取非或反义取反、逻辑改写。主主谓宾补可以变，但定状不变(定语及状语限定的不能变)。
错误选项：排除
包含极端词汇：only, any, never, must, impossible，比较级，最高级，唯一性等通常错误，除非原文有对应的。
用同性元素排除，原文中同样的东西，全对或全错;
无中生有、与原文相反、不严谨的推理;
如果某选项出现了和题干所问事物不在同一位置出现的词汇，那么该选项必然错误。
违反常识。
3、文章结构
新旧观点型： TS为新观点。提示词traditionally, common, usually believed, most argued, 通常首段中部或第二段开头会否定，用but, yet, however或强对比。重点是对老观点的否定和新观点。
结论解释型;TS为该结论。首句必须是判断句，但不一定是判断句式，一般也包含态度和评价，开头是主题句，后面展开具体内容，通常是总分结构。
现象解释型：TS是作者给予正评价的解释。首段给出自然或社会现象，往往很古怪，后面解释。标志：前面出现phenomen之类词汇，中部出现explain, intepret，后面评论explanation。
问题解决型;答案即为TS。首段出现设问句，TS是正评价的回答，套路：首先是问题task/problem/question;接着solution/answers; 最后评价/态度。
混合型：围绕focus，不断出现让步和转折，但从前不从后，靠前的态度为主态度。根据文章内容，如评价某人理论、著作或观点，标志是开头出现人名(大写字母)或书名(斜体字)，出现study, work analysis等词汇。评价以正评价为主，重点是作者的态度评价。
4、答案在原文找，不可凭记忆答题。再者牢记：it’s not how much you read, it’s what you read。要读到focus，作者态度，逻辑结构(文章类型)和TS。
Graffiti——The writing's on the wall
涂鸦：墙上文化
Having turned respectable, graffiti culture is dying
涂鸦文化获得体面，然濒临灭绝
LONDON'S fastest-changing art gallery is hidden in a sunken ball court on a housing estate in Stockwell, south London. On a sunny Sunday afternoon six or seven men, mostly in their 30s, are busy painting the walls with new designs. They have put up cartoons, names written in elaborate, multi coloured lettering and clever perspective tricks. Tins of spray paint and beer stand on the ground; ladders lean against the paintings. The atmosphere is not unlike that of a golf course: a mix of concentration and blokey relaxation.
伦敦的艺术展瞬息万变，这次则在伦敦南部斯托克维尔住宅区的一个地下球场举行。一个阳光明媚的周日午后，六七个30多岁的男子把自己的新设计画在墙壁上。他们在上面画了卡通图，精心设计的名字、色彩缤纷的字母和巧妙的错觉图。地上摆着一瓶瓶喷漆和啤酒，扶梯靠在墙上。这场景和高尔夫球场一样：是一种专注力和娱乐休闲的并存体。
Graffiti painting is traditionally a daredevil pursuit. Teenagers dodge security guards to put their names on trains and buses. But over the past decade that has all but disappeared from Britain's cities. Between 2007 and 2012 the number of incidents of graffiti recorded by the British Transport Police fell by 63%. A survey by the environment ministry shows that fewer places are blighted by tags than ever. Graffiti are increasingly confined to sanctioned walls, such as the Stockwell ball courts. In time the practice may die out entirely.
一般来讲，涂鸦画可谓是一种不计后果的活动。年轻人们会避开保安，把它们的名字画上火车和巴士。但在过去的十年，这种现象在英国的城市已经消失了。从2007到2012年，违反英国交通法规的涂鸦案件下降了63%。环境部的调查显示，比起以前，受到标语破坏的地方越来越少。现在，涂鸦画日益局限在那些允许被涂画的墙上，比如斯托克维尔的球场。假以时日，这种行为可能会完全消亡。
The most obvious reason for the decline in tagging and train-painting is better policing, says Keegan Webb, who runs The London Vandal, a graffiti blog. Numerous CCTV cameras mean it is harder to get away with painting illegally. And punishments are more severe. Once-prolific taggers such as Daniel Halpin, who painted his pseudonym “Tox” all over London, have been given long prison sentences. British graffiti artists who want to paint trains usually go abroad to do it these days, says Mr. Webb.
Keegan Webb，一个经营名叫“伦敦文化艺术破坏者”的涂鸦博客的博主说，绘名和铁皮车涂鸦风靡程度下降最主要的原因是政策法规更加完备。非法在墙上绘图越来越难以逃离无处不在的中央电视台摄像头，相应的惩罚也更加严重了。多产的绘名艺人Daniel Halpin把他的笔名“Tox”涂遍了整个伦敦，因此被判长期监禁。MrWebb说近来想去涂画铁皮火车的英国的涂鸦艺人通常都会选择出国。
A generational shift is apparent, too. Fewer teenagers are getting into painting walls. They prefer to play with iPads and video games, reckons Boyd Hill, an artist known as Solo One, who in effect runs the Stockwell ball courts. Those who do get involved tend to prefer street art to graffiti proper (which purists define as letters and names, however elaborately drawn). Some have gone to art school and want to make money from their paintings. The internet means that painters can win far more attention by posting pictures online than they can by breaking into a railway yard.
一代人心态的转变也很明显。现在越来越少的年轻人想参与墙上涂鸦活动。经营斯托克维尔球场的Boyd Hill(被称为艺术家独一人)承认，相较而言，年轻人们更愿意玩儿IPad和电脑游戏。就算对这方面感兴趣的年轻人也比较喜欢街头艺术，而非正宗的涂鸦(不管画得多么仔细，纯粹主义者们都只称其为字母和名字)。他们中有一些人已经去了艺术学校，并想从他们的绘画作品中获利。网络的普及意味着这些人可以把自己的绘图在线上传，相较把它们画在铁路调车场，这样更能提高他们的知名度。
Taggers and graffiti artists mostly GREw up in the 1980s and 1990s. Those men—and almost all are men—are now older and less willing to take risks. “We can't run away from the police anymore,” says Ben Eine, who turned from tagging to street art. The hip-hop culture that inspired graffiti in the first place has faded. Video games and comic books provide more inspiration than music.
绘名和涂鸦艺人大都是80或90后。这个群体—大多是男士—碍于年龄，不甚愿意冒险。Ben Eine说“无论如何我们再也不能像从前那样从警察眼皮子下溜走了。”，因而他从“绘名党”转向街头艺术。刚开始掀起涂鸦的嘻哈文化已渐渐销声匿迹。相比较而言，电子游戏和漫画书比音乐更能予人灵感。
Graffiti may eventually disappear. But for now the hobby is almost respectable. Mr. Eine says he has lots of friends who used to paint trains. Now with wives and children, they paint abandoned warehouses at the weekend. It has become something to do on a Sunday afternoon—a slightly healthier alternative to sitting watching the football
涂鸦画可能最终会消失。但是直至现在，这种爱好仍然受到人们的尊敬。Ben Eine说他有很多朋友曾经痴迷于在火车车皮厢上作画。现在有了妻儿，他们只有周末去废弃的仓库墙上大展身手。这已经成了周日下午的惯例—一种比坐在电视机前看足球略微健康的消遣。
Politicians v newspapers——Hold the presses
政客与媒体：媒体控制
The battle over newspaper regulation rolls into the long grass
新闻法规之战暂被搁置
“IT IS not even the beginning of the end, but it is, perhaps, the end of the beginning.” That (quoting Winston Churchill) is one MP's verdict on Britain's battle over newspaper standards. His judgment, if grandiloquent, is accurate. The clash between politicians and newspapers, which began with the revelation in 2011 of widespread phone-hacking by a tabloid, appears to have reached a conclusion. On October 30th the government approved a new regulatory system to discipline Fleet Street misbehaviour. But the hostilities have merely been postponed.
“那不是末日的开端，而可能是开端的终结。”这是某国会议员引用丘吉尔的名言对英国报纸标准做出的结论。如果极力夸大事态的严重性，他的论断则恰如其分。从2011年沸沸扬扬的窃听门事件开始，政客与报纸之间的对抗似乎总算有了一个了结。10月30日，为了督管英国报业的不当举措，政府通过了一个新的监管体系。但这无非只是推后了双方的战争。
The new system is the product of months of debate and compromise. Reacting to the phone-hacking scandal, the government commissioned a judge to investigate press standards. After a tortuous, year-long inquiry, Lord Justice Leveson recommended a tough new regulator backed by legislation.
这一新的体系是数月以来辩论和妥协的产物。作为对窃听门事件的回应，政府委任一位法官去调查媒体标准问题。经历了一些兜圈子、耗时一年的调查后，英国最高法院大法官莱维森提议要建立一个强硬的监管体系，这一提议获法律支持。
In March the three main political parties responded by proposing a royal charter—an ancient device seen as less offensive to a free press than statute would be. The charter provides for a regulator as well as a “recognition panel”, free from press or political control, to police its independence. The regulator could impose fines of up to ￡1m ($1.6m) on newspapers and insist on prominent corrections. The charter also exposes newspapers that refuse to join the regulatory regime to punitive damages if cases are brought against them.
3月，三个主要的政治团体提出皇家特许状作为回应—这是很久以来对自由媒体采取的策略中，较成文法而言攻击性较小的法案。特许状提出要建立监管体系以及监管机构筹备组来管辖报业独立，而这一机构既不受制于媒体，也不受制于政治团体。它可向报业征收高达100万欧元(合160万美元)的罚款，且有权要求报业对报道内容作出重大更正。特许状也曝光了那些拒绝加入监管体系的报纸，若案件与其不利，则有权对其征收损害性赔偿。
The large newspaper groups are having none of it. They claim the royal charter amounts to government meddling. On October 30th judges struck down their bid to delay its introduction. Hours later the royal charter received the queen's assent. Politicians declared their job complete.
大的报纸团体拒不买账。他们声称皇家特许状就相当于政府干预。10月30日，法官否决了他们企图延迟特许状问世的诉讼。几个小时之后，皇家特许状获得了女王的应允。政客们也表示他们的任务圆满完成。
Ministers hope that editors and owners will sign up to the new system in order to avoid being hit with punitive damages. Some MPs think an ongoing news story will help push them into line. The trial of Rebekah Brooks and Andy Coulson, two former editors charged with authorizing illegal reporting methods, began on October 28th. On October 30th a jury was told that three former journalists had pleaded guilty to charges of phone-hacking.
部长们希望编辑和报刊所有者为了避免被索要损害性赔偿，会选择签署加盟新的体系。一些国会议员也认为正在进行的报业整改有助于帮他们回到正轨。10月28日，两位前编辑利百加·布鲁克斯和安迪.科尔森因批准非法报道渠道而被法院起诉。10月30日，陪审团被告知三位前记者对监听电话的指控供认不讳。
That is wishful thinking. Claire Enders, a media analyst, says there is “zero” chance of the big newspapers accepting the new regime. The largest groups have launched another legal challenge to it. They have also created an alternative system, the Independent Press Standards Organisation (IPSO). This will not comply with the royal charter—not least as it will have fewer powers and will not be completely independent of the press—but the businesses behind it have deep enough pockets to pay eye-watering damages, should it come to that. They will settle with victims of abuse more readily than before, reckons Ms Enders, who also doubts that the smaller newspaper outfits will sign up to the royal charter system.
媒体分析家克莱尔恩德斯称让大报接受新的体系绝无胜算，只能是痴心妄想。最大的报纸团体已经掀起了一场法律的挑战。他们也创造了一个可供替代的体系，即独立新闻标准组织(IPSO)。这一体系不会遵守皇家特许状—可以说完全不遵守，因为其权利较少，且并不完全独立于媒体—但是如果局面真的一发不可收拾，其背后的企业便可提供足够的财力去偿还惨不忍睹的损失。克莱尔恩德斯承认，相较过去，这会更加容易使诽谤受害者平息下来，但他也怀疑小的报纸会归服于皇家特许状。
The politicians' charter will find few or no takers, then—and will eventually crumple. That will happen slowly. The recognition panel, which will monitor proGREss, will not report on the system's success or failure until shortly before, or even after, the 2015 election. So there will be months of delay before another showdown between the press and MPs.
政客推出的特许状几乎没有人愿意接受—因而最终会面临崩溃的局面。这个过程会很迟缓。监视此进程的监管机构筹备组不会把这一体系的成功与失败于2015大选前后报道出来。因此，据媒体和国会议员之间摊牌还会有数个月的时间。
That suits many people just fine. Mr Cameron, wary of poisoning relations with the press and of Tory colleagues fiercely opposed to regulation, is happy to kick the matter into the long grass. Those keenest on regulation—the Labour and Liberal Democrat parties and Hacked Off, a group representing press victims—want to give the charter time to work. Neither Labour nor the Lib Dems plan to question its success until the recognition panel has reported. The tabloid owners and editors are the happiest of all to play for time: the longer the politicians' system is delayed, the more time IPSO has to win acceptance. Legal challenges might delay the process further.
很多人对这一法规都没有异议。卡梅隆诚惶诚恐地调节着和媒介之间的病态关系，处理着保守党对这一法规的激烈反对，于他而言，他非常乐意把这件事搁置一边。对这一法规极度热忱的党派—工党，自由民主党和受害者们(媒体受害者群体)都想给皇家特许状时间，让其发挥作用。工党和自由民主党计划直到监管机构筹备组报道时，再对其成功与否发出质疑。小报所有者和编辑则对这种时间游戏欢欣不已：政客推出的体系耽搁的越久，独立新闻标准组织(IPSO)就越有胜算。法律的挑战可能会进一步延缓整个过程。
Eventually, probably after the next election, the failure of the royal charter will force politicians back to the drawing board. Most in Labour and the Lib Dems, along with a minority of Tories, might then look to statutory regulation of the press—a prospect even less acceptable to the newspapers than the royal charter. The battle has been postponed. It will be even more vicious when it rejoins.
最终，或许就在下次大选之后，皇家特许状的失败会迫使政客们从头开始。大多数工党、自由民主党，以及托利党党羽的一少部分可能都会关注媒体的法定规则—这是对报纸而言比皇家特许状更难以接受的未来。这场战役被推后了，但当其卷土重来之时，其杀伤力会更加剧烈。
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高效复习GRE阅读的方法分享
